In a special focus on the European Constitution, we expose the European Union's plans for propaganda to influence referendums across Europe, detail the effects on public services and outline the Constitution's main points...

The coming campaign on the European Constitution

WORKERS, APR 2005 ISSUE

The European Commission is to spend eight million euros especially earmarked for information campaigns on the EU Constitution. Is anyone left doubting that this is taking our money to pay for propaganda?

Look at what is being planned. The Commission has two different funds. Five million euros will be spent according to member states' populations, so Germany will get around 900,000 euros, Malta about 5,000 euros. In a second wave, 3 million euros will go to member states according to the Commission's three criteria: the quality of proposed projects, people's level of knowledge of the Constitution in any particular country, and whether parliament or people take the decision.

The countries whose people know least about the Constitution would get most. In the most recent Eurobarometer survey, the lowest awareness was in Cyprus (35%), Britain (50%) and Greece (51%). States deciding by referendum will also get more. Us again! The Commission has earmarked more than 650,000 euros for us, but the government is frightened to accept the money. "We don't want any of this money spent in the UK. It would clearly be utterly counterproductive," an official said. It pledged that not a single penny of EU money would be spent in the campaign.

But it can't stop the Commission, which has already spent hundreds of thousands of pounds here on a pro-constitution campaign of seminars, leafleting, theatre activities and celebration days about the Constitution being held in schools, libraries, think tanks, local government and pro-EU pressure groups. It gave 10,551 euros to Hull University to raise awareness and understanding of the Constitution, 25,000 euros to Liverpool Hope University College to help school pupils and students to find out about the Constitution, 38,318 euros to the Foreign Policy Centre for a conference on the Constitution, 48,601 euros to the Institute for Citizenship in London for a series of seminars, 27,291 euros to Yorkshire Forward, the regional development agency, to fund a conference called Europe Alive with Opportunity, 18,233 euros to Europaworld, a Welsh company, to set up a website to educate people about the Constitution and to send information to secondary schools, and 42,005 euros to the Federal Trust, a think-tank, to promote EU enlargement, including the production of 100,000 information cards. The Trust's advisory board includes Blair's policy adviser Andrew Adonis.

The Commission will continue to fund the Europe Direct Information Network here, at 840,000 euros a year, to raise local and regional awareness of the Union's policies and programmes, the Spring Day for Europe to celebrate the Constitution in our schools and will spend more than 1,000,000 euros a year on a network of think-tanks and pressure groups that promote the EU state, including the International European Movement, the Union of European Federalists, Friends of Europe, Young European Federalists, the Centre for European Policy Studies and the European Policy Centre.

A Commission spokesman said, "We have every right and obligation to promote information about our activities, and we will continue doing that. We are not going to shy away from our duty."

Trade union opposition has hardened with the creation of Trade Unionists against the Constitution. Its pamphlet, Trade Unionists say No, can be downloaded from www.tuaeuc.org.uk.

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The Constitution and the end of public service

What relevance has the EU Constitution to public services in Britain? Hidden in its mind-numbing pages is a takeover bid.

The EU Constitution makes the basic principle of laissez-faire free competition across national borders on the basis of the unimpeded movement of capital, goods, services and labour, into a constitutional obligation. This means that public services must be traded across national borders.

The Constitution calls public services "services of general economic interest". Article III-122 states that EU laws shall establish the principles and conditions under which governments can provide these services in compliance with the Constitution.

The Constitution encourages privatisation, which it calls liberalisation. Article III-147 would allow the EU to enforce the liberalisation of public services like health, education and social services. Article III-148 says, "The Member States shall endeavour to undertake liberalisation of services beyond the extent required by the European framework laws adopted pursuant to Article III-147(1), if their general economic situation and the situation of the economic sector concerned so permit. To this end, the Commission shall make recommendations to the Member States concerned."

Article III-166 gives the EU the power to decide by majority vote what counts as a public service and which areas of public education and health services could be opened to private sector competition:

"1. In the case of public undertakings and undertakings to which Member States grant special or exclusive rights, Member States shall neither enact nor maintain in force any measure contrary to the Constitution, in particular Article I-4(2) and Articles III-161 to III-169.

"2. Undertakings entrusted with the operation of services of general economic interest or having the character of an income-producing monopoly shall be subject to the provisions of the Constitution, in particular to the rules on competition, insofar as the application of such provisions does not obstruct the performance, in law or in fact, of the particular tasks assigned to them. The development of trade must not be affected to such an extent as would be contrary to the [European] Union's interests."

The Constitution forbids social controls on capital. It forbids public enterprises and state aid to serve national social purposes (Articles III-161, 162, 166 and 167).

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...and they say this isn't propaganda!

Early in March, the Commission identified the components of a structured communication and information strategy on the Constitution to support the ongoing ratification process. What follows is the Commission's own words.

The Commission has made it clear that it will not: issue propaganda on the Constitution; campaign during election periods or breach national rules on referenda or distribution of information.

The Commission will seek to ensure that Europe's citizens are able to take informed choices on the Constitution. To do so, it has become increasingly clear that the Commission needs to do more to demonstrate the benefits of Europe.

The Commission will be more pro-active in setting out the political case for the adoption of the Constitution — and demonstrate its concrete benefits to citizens. The entry into force of the Constitution would enhance the ability of the European Union to deliver on its strategic objectives over the next five years. The Commission and individual Commissioners cannot therefore stand on the sidelines or refrain from entering the political debate.

The Commission's approach will be guided by three objectives: Getting people informed; Getting people mobilized; Respect for national and regional specificities.

  1. Wider distribution of the Constitution text for free. The Commission will not charge citizens that make a specific request for a copy of the Constitution text.

  2. A new website on the Constitution so that citizens can easily obtain the text of the Constitution; the position of the Commission, details of the ratification process; key speeches and rebuttal of the main myths on the Constitution.

  3. Informed Journalists: The Commission will increase the number of training seminars for national and regional journalists.

  4. Roundtable discussions with civil society. Each Commission Representation Office will organize roundtable discussions on the Constitution with civil society.

  5. Engaging Europe's students. The Commission will produce a Constitution Pack for distribution to Universities, Colleges and voter age students. The Commission will further promote the Spring Day initiative for schools.

  6. Audiovisual. Radio and Television programmes will be produced to inform citizens about the Future of Europe.

  7. Constitution Direct. The Commission will respond to questions on the Constitution at the EuropeDirect call centre. An advertising campaign will promote the Constitution Direct free phone number.

  8. Mobilising the network of multipliers. Within each policy area a network of multipliers exists that can promote the benefits of the Constitution. The Commission will mobilize these information networks at regional and local level (e.g. TeamEurope, information relays, European documentation centres). The Commission will work with the Member States to mobilize the Youth Convention network created by the Convention on the Future of Europe.

  9. Accurate research and polling. The Commission will work with Member States to undertake detailed opinion poll analysis and focus group research.

  10. Making PRINCE [a communications programme] work. The Commission will intensify its contacts with Member States to speed-up delivery of country allocations under the PRINCE programme.

So not really propaganda at all!

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As the French referendum on the EU Constitution approaches, it seems that the more the French people learn about the Constitution, the more likely they are to reject it. Read on...

This is what the Constitution would do...

1. ...change the EU from a Union based on treaties agreed between independent countries to a supra-national state based on its own Constitution (Article I-1); give the EU for the first time legal personality to make legal agreements in its own right (I-7) and formally give EU laws primacy over all national, including constitutional, laws (I-6). Members would have to transfer sovereignty to the EU and give its constitution primacy, the foundation of a centralised EU state. Member states would be reduced to provinces of the EU state. As the Belgian Prime Minister, Guy Verhofstadt, says, "The Constitution is the capstone of a European Federal State";

2. ...create a full-time EU President (I-22) who would be a much more powerful figure than the existing rotating Council president, yet would not be directly elected by voters or the European Parliament;

3. ...give the EU the power to "define and implement" a common foreign and defence policy (I-12), covering "all areas of foreign policy", which members would have to "actively and unreservedly support in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity" (I-16). An EU Foreign Minister would be created, responsible for the "common foreign and security policy" (I-28);

4. ...remove our elected government's right to make laws unless the EU decides not to in a loosely worded list covering almost all areas (I-14) including the internal market, social policy, agriculture and fisheries, environment, consumer protection, transport, energy, "freedom, security and justice", and "common safety concerns in public health matters";

5. ...give the EU more power to take "supporting, co-ordinating or comple-mentary action" in a further range of loosely defined areas including the "protection and improvement of human health", industry, culture, education, youth, sport, vocational training, "civil protection" and "administrative co-operation"(I-17);

6. ...give the EU new powers to co-ordinate economic, employment and social policies (I-15). Article III-210 lists the almost unlimited areas of social policy where the EU would have the right to "support and complement" the activities of member states. It would make free competition across borders on the basis of free movement of capital, goods, services and labour Ð into a Constitutional obligation (I-3 and 4, III-130, 166 and 167). The European Central Bank's sole brief in setting interest rates and controlling the eurozone's money supply is to ensure price stability, not rebuild industry, achieve economic growth or create full employment (III-185). Article III-147 allows the EU to enforce "liberalisation" of public services like health, education and social services. Article II-88 provides that workers have rights only "in accordance with [European] Union law and national laws and practices". These powers would make Thatcherism a constitutional obligation;

7. ...abolish the national veto in 63 areas. Article IV-444 allows the Council of Ministers to end national vetoes in further areas, with no need of new Treaties. Article I-18 allows EU Ministers to take new powers wherever they think that the Constitution does not give them enough powers to achieve the EU's aims;

8. ...allow movement towards a Continental-style criminal justice system, with no juries or habeas corpus, through harmonisation of national laws and mutual recognition of judicial and extra-judicial decisions (I-42) and the power to set common definitions of criminal offences and sanctions (III-271). It strengthens the role of Eurojust from co-ordination of criminal prosecutions to include their initiation and permits the extension of its "structure, operation, field of action and tasks" (III-273). An EU Public Prosecutor's Office is proposed (III-274). It gives the EU the right to extend the powers of its rapidly-expanding police force, Europol (III-276), which enjoys immunity from criminal prosecution;

9. ...make the EU's Charter of Fundamental Rights legally binding, including Article II-112 which sinisterly allows limitations of basic rights "if they are necessary and genuinely meet objectives of general interest recognised by the Union". Article II-114 forbids any political campaigning to reverse any aspects of the Charter;

10. ...give all these new powers to the EU, fundamentally altering the powers and nature of the EU, and hugely centralise the powers of the EU oligarchy, while setting in stone the EU's current undemocratic structure. The unelected European Commission would keep the sole right to propose new EU laws (I-26). The European Central Bank would remain unaccountable since MEPs, EU officials and national governments are obliged "not to seek to influence the ... European Central Bank" (III-188).

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